26 Juni 2008

Gunung Niut - a community rejects oil palm plantations

Down to Earth No. 66, August 2005. An unprecedented gathering of communities from seven Dayak groups has rejected exploitation which disadvantages indigenous communities, including large oil palm plantations and gold mining. The statement was issued in May, at a 3-day meeting of villagers from the remote Niut mountains, in Landak and Bengkayang districts of West Kalimantan.

The area is the customary land of the Semambang, Sebiak, Busuti, Sepadakng, Kemayo, Entoro and Soong indigenous Dayak groups. A large part of Niut is primary forest, providing water for the towns of Ngabang and Bengkayang. There are no roads and access to the area is time-consuming and costly.
Research by the West Kalimantan NGO, PENA, shows that Niut is a potential target for oil palm plantations developed under state-owned plantation company PTPN XIII's new "family" KSK model (see box, separate article). In addition, the Landak district government has already issued 3 oil palm licences to operate in Serimbu sub-district. These represent another threat to forest conservation and the livelihoods of the indigenous peoples of Niut.
May's meeting in Parek village in the Niut mountains, followed previous smaller workshops held by PENA with different communities in the region, aimed at raising awareness of the threats of large-scale oil palm development. The May meeting was organised and managed by the communities themselves - villages supplied rice and chickens to feed the participants - with fundraising assistance from PENA. The meeting was attended by local men, women and children, plus local and national NGOs and indigenous peoples' organisations. It was preceded by an adat ceremony to ask the earth spirits to grant a successful meeting that would benefit the host village of Parek. It was the first time their ritual objects had been used for around thirty years, when Christianity was introduced into the village.
In addition to the threats posed by oil palm development, the meeting identified eight other problems faced by the Niut villagers, including lack of self-confidence; drunkenness, karaoke and corruption; conflicts between adopted (Christian) and customary beliefs (adat); the lack of clear definition of customary land/resources boundaries; difficulties in marketing produce due to poor infrastructure; no financial institutions to manage cash; and new national legislation on compulsory land purchasing (Perpres 36/2005 - see also land article). This last problem was raised by Emil Kleden from AMAN, the Alliance of Indigenous Peoples of the Archipelago, who led one of the meeting's sessions.
A nine-point agreement drawn up at the meeting, Sembilan Mupakot Niut, set out the community's determination to reject destructive development; to demand recognition of their adat rights and direct, fair negotiations with outside parties wishing to conduct non-destructive resource use. It agreed to demand that the district governments in Landak and Bengkayang provide education and health facilities, roads, bridges and electricity to develop the community's economic potential in the Niut mountains. The community also agreed it would conduct participative mapping to safeguard security and sustainability of natural resources, and that it would set up a credit union.

"We don't want to be continually in a marginalised, insecure and poor. Because of this we are going to struggle together towards sovereignty over our natural resources, towards educated and critical human resources to achieve self-sufficiency and prosperity."
(Sembilan Mupakot Niut, Niut agreement, May 2005)

Masyarakat Menghukum Perusahaan Kelapa Sawit Di Kalimantan Barat

Laporan ini ditulis oleh Erma Ranik dari Perkumpulan PENA, Kalimantan Barat untuk Down to Earth No.72, February 2007

Setelah melalui proses negosiasi yang cukup panjang, akhirnya PT Airlangga Sawit Jaya (PT ASJ) mengakui kesalahannya dan membayar ganti rugi kepada masyarakat adat Engkadik Pade Kecamatan Serimbu, Kabupaten Landak, Kalimantan Barat sebesar Rp274.366.000,-

Kasus ini bermula pada 8-9 Mei 2006 saat PT ASJ bersama dengan Kepala Desa Engkadik, Camat Kecamatan Serimbu dan humas PT ASJ mengadakan pertemuan dengan beberapa aparat desa. Dalam pertemuan tersebut PT ASJ menyatakan bahwa mereka telah memperoleh ijin lokasi dari Bupati Landak untuk kawasan perkebunan kelapa sawit seluas 17.000 aha, yang mencakup 15 kampung yang didiami oleh masyarakat adat Dayak Kendayan. Berbekal surat izin itu, masyarakat diminta untuk menyerahkan lahan mereka kepada pihak perusahaan.
Setelah pertemuan tersebut, perusahaan mulai melakukan penggusuran lahan milik masyarakat, yang kemudian menimbulkan masalah. Masyarakat desa Engkadik Pade yang tidak pernah mendapatkan informasi pada 1 Agustus 2006 mendapati 150 buah kuburan nenek moyang mereka sudah diratakan oleh buldozer PT ASJ. Masyarakat yang merasa dirugikan kemudian mendatangi perusahaan dan menuntut ganti rugi secara tertulis. Sesuai dengan ketentuan adat, kerugian dihitung sebesar Rp274.366.000,-.
Menanggapi tuntutan ganti rugi ini, PT ASJ kemudian meminta bantuan Pemerintah Daerah untuk menolak pemberian ganti rugi karena menurut perusahaan mereka sudah mendapatkan surat keterangan penyerahan lahan. Hendro W Ngantung, Estate Manager PT ASJ menunjukkan sebuah surat pernyataan tertulistangan yang dibuat oleh seorang kepala dusun Senyamuk, Yohanes.
Masyarakat adat tentu saja menolak pernyataan ini."Tidak pernah kami memberikan hak kami kepada kepala dusun untuk menyerahkan tanah dan menggusur kuburan nenek moyang kami kepada perusahaan," kata pak Sita seorang tokoh masyarakat. Karena penolakan masyarakat sangat keras, pada 28 September 2006, berlangsung rapat pembahasan kasus yang dipimpin langsung oleh bupati Landak Drs Cornelis di aula kantor Bupati Landak. Dalam pertemuan ini bupati menjanjikan penyelesaian kasus secepatnya.
Tetapi kasus ini tetap tidak terselesaikan dan dibiarkan menggantung hingga awal November 2006. Saat itu seorang anggota masyarakat adat Desa Engkadik Pade membaca sebuah buku tentang perkebunan kelapa sawit terbitan Perkumpulan PENA berjudul "Untung Buntung Bertanam Sawit". Buku itu mengungkap dampak perkebunan sawit terhadap sebuah desa di kabupaten Sambas. Mereka mendapatkan buku tersebut dari Suherman, anggota tim Inti (organisasi masyarakat adat yang dibentuk oleh Perkumpulan PENA di Pegunungan Niut, di dekat perbatasan Malaysia, yang juga mengalami masalah dengan perkebunan sawit) yang kebetulan melewati kampung mereka.
Berbekal Perkumpulan PENA menyadari pengaduan tersebut adalah pernyataan kepercayaan dan menuntut tanggung jawab yang sangat besar. Sebagai sebuah organisasi kecil perkumpulan PENA berterima kasih untuk kepercayaan yang diberikan."Tetapi kami bukan dewa penolong. Kami punya banyak kekurangan salah satunya adalah kami tidak memiliki sumber dana untuk penanganan kasus. Tetapi kami akan berusaha semaksimal mungkin untuk menggalang dukungan dari teman-teman Ornop dan pers untuk mengangkat kasus ini," tegas Erma S Ranik, Direktur Perkumpulan PENA.
Dalam pertemuan ini PENA juga menjelaskan bahwa kunci keberhasilan kasus ini terletak pada masyarakat sebagai pihak utama, dan Ornop menjadi pihak pendukung."Kalau masyarakat bersatu dan menempuh jalan damai, maka kami akan ada di pihak masyarakat. PENA akan usahakan sekuat tenaga untuk membantu masyarakat mendapatkan hak-haknya," tegas Erma S Ranik.
Dengan keterbatasaannya, Perkumpulan PENA mencoba mengambil langkah untuk membuat pertemuan kampung guna membahas tindakan apa saja yang diperlukan guna memperkuat posisi masyarakat. Pada 15-16 Desember 2006, 3 orang penggiat Perkumpulan PENA didampingi oleh Silvester Thomas Daliman, Ketua Badan Pengawas Perkumpulan PENA mengadakan pertemuan kampung, Dalam pertemuan yang dihadiri oleh 60 warga masyarakat tersebut, Silvester Thomas menjelaskan tentang hak-hak masyarakat adat dari sudut hukum nasional Indonesia. Masyarakat juga mendapat informasi lebih banyak tentang dampak perkebunan kelapa sawit terhadap masyarakat adat.
Setelah mendapatkan informasi yang sangat banyak tentang perkebunan kelapa sawit masyarakat kemudian memutuskan menolak kehadiran perkebunan kelapa sawit di wilayah mereka. Bahkan mereka bersepakat akan memblokade lokasi pembibitan perusahaan secara adat.
Pada 22 Desember 2006, masyarakat menahan alat berat (buldozer) milik PT ASJ karena perusahaan tidak mengabulkan tuntutan masyarakat dan karena hingga saat itu tidak tercapai kesepakatan. Setelah masyarakat bertindak, Pemerintah Daerah dan perusahaan baru menyadari keseriusan masyarakat. Pada 3 Januari 2007, TP2KP (Tim Penyelesaian Persoalan Konflik Perkebunan) Kabupaten Landak berjumlah 30 orang beserta DAD (Dewan Adat Dayak) Kabupaten Landak mendatangi Desa Engkadik Pade untuk berusaha menyelesaikan penahanan alat berat. PT ASJ dan Dewan Adat bersikeras bahwa bahwa tuntutan masyarakat hanya dapat dibayar Rp7.310.000,- saja. Mereka juga mengancam akan mendatangkan anggota Brimob untuk membebaskan alat berat yang ditahan masyarakat secara paksa.
Menanggapi ancaman ini masyarakat kemudian menghubungi perkumpulan PENA. Pada 6 Januari 2007, Perkumpulan PENA mengundang sejumlah ornop untuk mengadakan rapat pembahasan kasus di kantor AMA Kalbar. Rapat yang dihadiri oleh PENA dan Walhi menghasilkan kesepakatan pembagian kerja dalam penanganan kasus. PENA bertugas menghubungi sejumlah wartawan untuk berangkat ke lapangan dan membuat laporan kasus. Kasus ini kemudian dimuat di harian KOMPAS pada 12 Januari 2007 dan di majalah Kalimantan Review.
Tindakan ini membuat pihak Pemda dan perusahaan secepatnya berusaha menyelesaikan kasus ini. Pada 17 Januari 2007 PT Airlangga Sawit Jaya mengaku bersalah dan bersedia membayar ganti rugi kepada masyarakat Desa Engkadik Pade secara penuh sesuai dengan tuntutan masyarakat adat. Ganti rugi ini dibayarkan dengan 2 cara yakni Rp 150 juta dibayarkan secara tunai serta sisanya digunakan pihak perusahaan untuk membangun jalan menuju desa dan mendirikan monumen peringatan bahwa di lokasi yang digusur adalah kuburan nenek moyang masyarakat adat desa Engkadik Pade. Uang ganti rugi secara tunai yang diberikan oleh perusahaan juga tidak dibagikan kepada kelompok masyarakat, melainkan digunakan untuk membangun instalasi air bersih desa.
Ini bukan akhir dari cerita. Perusahaan akan tetap mengembangkan perkebunan kelapa sawit di tanah adat mereka. Kini masyarakat, yang tetap menentang rencana perkebunan kelapa sawit, bekerjasama dengan PENA melawan perusahaan yang mengambil tanah mereka.

MASYARAKAT ADAT DAN PENGAKUAN NEGARA

Bagi masyarakat adat di seluruh nusantara, tanggal 17 Maret merupakan tongak paling bersejarah dalam perjuangan mereka melawan diskriminasi, pembodohan dan peminggiran secara sistimatis. Karena pada tanggal tersebut, masyarakat diseluruh Nusantara memulai sebuah gerakan bersama guna memperjuangkan hak-hak adatnya dan memposisikan dirinya sebagai komponen utama didalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara.
Sembilan tahun lalu, tepat nya tanggal 17 Maret 1999, Masyarakat Adat Nusantara menghadiri kongres Masyarakat Adat Nusantara Pertama (KMAN I) yang melahirkan beberapa rekomendasi yang diantaranya adalah terbentuknya Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (AMAN) sebagai wadah perjuangan komunitas-komunitas Masyarakat Adat di seluruh nusantara dan menetapkan tanggal 17 Maret sebagai Hari Kebangkitan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara.
Selaian menetapkan tanggal 17 Maret sebagai hari Kebangkitan Masyarakat Adat Nusantara, Kongres yang dilaksanakan di Jakarata pada tanggal 17 – 22 Maret 1999 ini juga mengeluarkan keputusan Kongres dengan SK NO 02/KMAN/1999 yang menyatakan bahwa: 1. Adat adalah sesuatu yang luhur dan menjadi landasan kehidupan Masyarakat Adat yang utama. 2. Adat dinusantara ini sangat majemuk, karena itu, tidak ada tempat bagi kebijakan Negara yang berlaku seragam sifatnya. 3. Jauh sebelum Negara berdiri, Masyarakat Adat di nusantara telah terlebih dahulu mampu mengembangkan system kehidupan sebagaimana yang diinginkan dan dipahami sendiri. Oleh sebab itu Negara harus menghormati kedaulatan Masyarakat adat ini. 4. Masyarakat Adat pada dasarnya terdiri dari mahluk manusia yang tidak berbeda dengan mahluk manusia yang lain. Oleh sebab itu, warga Masyarakat Adat juga berhak atas kehidupan yang layak dan pantas menurut nilai-nilai sosial yang berlaku. Untuk itu, seluruh tindakan negara yang keluar dari kepatutan manusia universal dan tidak sesuai dengan rasa keadilan yang dipahami oleh Masyarakat Adat harus segera diakhiri. 5. Atas dasar rasa kebersamaan senasib sepenaggungan, masyarakat Adat se nusantara wajib untuk saling bahu-membahu demi terwujudnya kehidupan masyarakat adat yang layak dan berdaulat.
Menyadari betapa pentingnya mengalang kekuatan untuk menekan negara membuat kebijakan yang berpihak kepada Masyarakat Adat, pada tanggal 19-25 semptember 2003, AMAN kembali melakukan kongres Masyarakata Adat Nusantara Kedua (KMAN II) yang di langsungkan di Lombok NTB dan KMAN III digelar di Pontianak, Kalimantan Barat, 17-21 Maret 2007. Hasil dari kedua kongres ini jelas memperlihatkan bahwa negara, walaupun sudah mulai melakukan perubahan-perubahan kebijakan terkait dengan keberadaan Masyarakat Adat dan hak-hak dasarnya, namun masih setengah hati untuk melaksanakan pengakuan tersebut. Masyarkat Adat dinusantara masih terus menghadapi beragam bentuk pemaksaan, penaklukan, dan eksploitasi. Penguasaan negara atas sebagian besar tanah dan kekayaan alam yang ada di wilayah-wilayah adat masih terus berlangsung. Berbagai kelompok Masyarakat Adat masih terus digusur secara paksa dari tanah leluhurnya untuk berbagai proyek pembangunan. Pemerintah masih terus memberi Hak Guna Usaha (HGU) dan kuasa Pertambangan dan perkebunan yang baru di wilayah-wilayah adat kepada para pemilik modal tanpa pemberitahuan dan perundingan yang layak sesuai dengan hukum adat yang berlaku di masyarakat adat setempat.
Ketidak seriusan negara dalam menyikapi permasalahan yang dihadapai Masyarakat Adat membuat bentrokan antara masyarakat Adat dan Perusahaan, baik fisik maupun non fisik, tidak terelakan lagi. Perusahaan sebagai kaki tangan penguasa mencoba merampas tanah dan hutan adat yang dipertahankan mati-matian oleh Masyarakat Adat sebagai Pemilik. Namun dengan kekuatan Perundang-undangan dan berbagai alasan, Masyarakat Adat selalu saja kalah apabila berhadapan dengan perusahaan di Pengadilan.
Kekalahan Masyarakat Adat di ranah hukum formal disebabkan banyak hal. Salah satunya, tidak adanya perangkat perundang-undangan yang dibuat pemerintah, yang pro terhadap Masyarakat adat. Produk perundang-undangan sepeti undang-undang nomor 41 tahun 2004 tentang Kehutanan, undang-undang nomor 18 tahun 2004 tentang perkebunan dan undang-undang investasi yang dibuat selalu saja berpihak kepada pemilik modal yang akhirnya mengancam eksistensi Masyarakata Adat di negeri ini.
Pengakuan negara terhadap Masyarakat Adat sebenarnya sudah tercantum di dalam UUD 1945, pasal 18 B ayat (2) yang menyebutkan “ Negara Mengakui dan Menghormati kesatuan-kesatuan masyarakat hukum adat beserta hak-hak tradisionalnya sepanjang masih hidup dan sesuai dengan perkembangan masyarakat dan prinsip Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia yang diatur dalam undang-undang”. Namun karena setengah hati dan “pengakuan yang tidak tulus”, produk perundang-undangan yang mengatur Perlindungan hak-hak Masyarakat Adat yang diamanatkan oleh UUD 1945 tersebut, tidak pernah di realisasikan dan di patuhi oleh pemerintah berkuasa hingga komunitas masyarakat adat sampai saat ini masih terpinggirkan. .
Kondisi ini menuntut Masyarakat Adat dan Ornop-ornop yang konsen, untuk terus menerus menekan negara membuat sebuah peraturan yang melindungi dan mengakui hak-hak masyarakat adat secara utuh tanpa syarat apapun sehingga Masyarakat Adat tidak lagi terpinggirkan. Bahkan untuk menegaskan kembali, Masyarakat Adat perlu membangkitkan pernyataan bersama pada Kongres Masyarakat Adat Pertama (KMAN I) yang berbunyi “ KAMI TIDAK AKAN MENGAKUI NEGARA, APABILA NEGARA TIDAK MENGAKUI KAMI”. *Penulis adalah Direktur Perkumpulan PENA Kalbar.

( D. Okbertus Srikujam)

POLA PENGELOLAAN SUMBERDAYA ALAM MASYARAKAT ADAT PEGUNUNGAN NIUT

A. PENDAHULUAN

Pegunungan Niut adalah salah satu hutan cagar alam di Kalimantan Barat yang terletak di wilayah perbatasan Indonesia – Malaysia. Berada di dua Kabupaten di kalimantan Barat. Yakni; Kabupaten Landak, Kabupaten Bengkayang. Komunitas Masyarakat adat Dayak sudah tinggal di wilayah ini beratus tahun yang lalu. Jumlah penduduk di kawasan ini diperkirakan sebesar 20 ribu jiwa. Penduduk ini mendiami baik kawasan inti maupun di kawasan zona penyangga pegunungan Niut.
Sejak tahun 2003, Perkumpulan PENA telah bekerja di wilayah ini. Namun belum bisa mencakup keseluruhan wilayah yang ada. Wilayah kerja perkumpulan PENA terbagi dalam 7 sub suku. Diantaranya Subsuku Dayak semambakng, Dayak Sebiak, Dayak Busuti, Dayak Sepadakng, Dayak Kemayo, Dayak Entoro dan Dayak Soong. Mereka mendiami 32 kampung di wilayah pegunungan niut.
Dari segi populasi, daerah dampingan PENA saat ini berjumlah 3857 jiwa[1].
Di wilayah dampingan PENA adalah wilayah hutan-hutan primer yang menjadi penyuplai air di dua sungai besar di kabupaten Landak dan kabupaten Bengkayang. Yaitu sungai Landak dan sungai Seluas.
Dari hutan ini, juga tersedia segala macam kebutuhan masyarakat adat mulai dari bahan pembuatan rumah (kayu), sumber protein (binatang buruan, ikan), sumber air bersih, obat-obatan tradisional dan sumber energi (damar, kayu bongek[2]).
Hutan primer ini kondisinya masih terjaga dengan baik karena masyarakat adat setempat memiliki aturan yang ketat dalam melakukan pemanfaatan sumber daya alamnya. Aturan ini meraka lakukan dengan menuruti ketentuan adat yang sudah mereka praktikan sejak zaman nenek moyang mereka. Pelanggaran terhadap aturan adat akan mendatangkan sanksi yang sangat berat bagi si pelaku.
Bagi masyakat adat di pegunungan Niut, istilah Agroforestry tidak mereka kenal. Tetapi substansi dari agroforestry telah mereka praktikan dalam kehidupannya sehari-hari.
Selain mengambil keuntungan dari hutan, masyarakat adat Pegunungan niut kebanyakan hidup sebagai peladang. Karet adalah komoditi utama selain lada (sahang). Tetapi sebagai selingan, mereka menanam cabe, jangung, ubi, timun, dan sayur-sayuran.

B. POLA PENGELOLAAN LAHAN

B.1. Wilayah Pemanfatan Hutan
Pola mengelola hutan bagi masyarakat adat Dayak bukanlah pekerjaan baru. Pengelolaan hutan secara kearifan lokal secara turun temurun masih di jaga hingga sekarang. Hutan bagi masyarakat Dayak bukanlah sekedar memenuhi kebutuhan hidup sehari-hari. Tapi hutan merupakan Identitas atau jati diri bagi masyarakat Dayak yang tinggal di sekitarnya. Karena kalau Masyarakat Dayak tidak mempunyai hutan, identitas kedayakannya akan dipertanyakan.
Hampir 90% Masyarakat Adat pegunungan niut pencahariannya berladang. Aktivitas berladang tidak bisa terlepas dari hutan. Tanpa hutan, maka tidak ada ladang. Tidak ada ladang, maka tidak ada upacara adat. Tidak ada upacara adat, maka mereka bukan lagi disebut masyarakat adat. Berladang tidak memerlukan areal hutan yang luas (maksimal sebidang ladang 1,5 hektar)[3].
Diladang, MA menanam Padi, jagung, dan sayur-sayuran. Tahapan berladang dimulai dari mencari lokasi untuk berladang, tebas tebang, menugal, merumput, dan panen. setelah panen, bekas ladang ditanami pepohonan (Misalnya Karet, tengkawang, Rotan, Damar dan aneka jenis buah-buahan) sehingga dalam waktu 10-15 tahun sudah menjadi hutan kembali.
Masyarakat Adat Dayak Pegunungan Niut menyebutnya Temawokng. Di Temawokng inilah tempat hutan dan pertanian bertemu, tempat struktur hutan dan logika pertanian bersimpangan yang lebih dikenal dengan sebutan Agroforest.
Pengembangan Temawokng sebagai Agroforest dan sistem ladang hubungannya sangat erat. Sebagaian besar Agroforest diciptakan oleh para peladang. Beberapa agroforest memerlukan ladang untuk regenerasi. Walaupun peladang ( sebagian besar adalah Masyarakat adat) sering dipersalahkan sebagai penggundul hutan, penyebab asap, dan pemusnahan suberdaya hayati, kita semua harus mengakui peladang telah memberikan sumbangan terbesar pada pemulihan hayati, konservasi keanekaragaman hayati dan pengembangan ekonomi di areal-areal hutan karena mempunyai sistem pengelolaan Sumber daya alam yang terbukti adil dan lestari.
Berdasarkan penelitian Institut Dayakologi (1997) ada lima prinsip dasar pengelolaan Sumberdaya alam menurut budaya Dayak. Yakni 1) Berkelanjutan (sustainability)2) kebersamaan (collectivity)3) keanekaragaman hayati (Biodiversity)4) subsistem 5) Tunduk kepada hukum adat.
Selain berladang ladang, MA pegunungan Niut juga rata-rata membuka kebun. Lokasi kebun biasanya tidak jauh dari rumah tinggal. Di kebun, mereka menanam lada (Sahang), coklat, dan Gaharu. Lada di panen setiap satu tahun sekali. Coklat harus menunggu sekitar 3 tahun.
Untuk gaharu, Masyarakat, baru sejak tahun 2006 menanamnya di kebun. Karena dulu gaharu masih banyak di hutan. Sekarang Mereka menyadari kalau persedian gaharu semakin sedikit sehingga mereka mengambil anak gaharu dihutan dan menanamanya di kebun masing-masing. Apalagi sekarang ada obat suntik gaharu yang disebut Inkulat yang dijual bisa membuat kayu gaharu itu berisi dan mendapatkan hasil. Untuk gaharu yang berisi dan di klarifikasikan kelas A, maka harganya akan tinggi. Bisa mencapai 1 juta rupiah/ons .

B.2. Wilayah Larangan Pemanfaatan
Namun, tidak semua areal hutan yang bisa dikelola oleh Masyarakat Adat. Ada wilayah-wilayah tertentu yang tidak boleh di olah menjadi ladang dan kebun. Wilayah-wilayah itu adalah sepanjang aliran sungai dan diatas puncak bukit. Sungai adalah sumber air yang dikosumsi warga kampung setiap hari. Disungai juga berbagai aktivitas masyarakat ada dilakukan. Seperti mencuci, mandi, mencari ikan dan lainya. Agar air sungai tetap bersih dan tidak tercemar, sejak dulu masyarakat adat pegunungan niut tidak membuat ladang atau kebun di tepi sungai. Dengan demikian, bebagai jenis kayu yang semula tumbuh di tepi sungai tersebut tetap ada dan dijaga sebagai pelindung dan penangkal erosi. Begitu juga dengan areal di atas bukit. Selain sebagai penagkal longsor dan penyedia air bersih, hutan diatas bukit harus di jaga supaya habitat hewan buruan seperti Babi hutan, kijang, rusa, dan sebagainya tidak punah.

C. TANTANGAN DAN ANCAMAN

Meski sangat terbatas, masyarakat adat pegunungan Niut sudah berusha memanfaatkan sumber daya alamnya agar bernilai ekonomi. Potensi seperti lada dan coklat dikembangkan dengan maksimal. Namun keterbatasan sarana transportasi membuat sangat banyak potensi hasil hutan non kayu yang belum temanfaatkan. Salah satunya adalh damar. Daerah Niut merupakan penghasil damar yang sangat bagus kwalitasnya tetapi untuk dibawa/ dijual ke ibukota kecamatan membutuhkan biaya transportasi yang sangat tinggi. Akibatnya masyarakat masih enggan memanfatakannya.
Sementara pemerintah tidak melakukan upaya maksimal untuk mngatasi persoalan sulitnya transportasi masyarakat. Pemerintah hanya tertarik untuk menguras sumber daya alam dengan cara-cara yang tidak lestari melalui pemberian Hak penguasaan hutan (HPH), Hutan Tanaman Industri (HTI), Perkebunan kelapa sawit, dan pertambangan.

Untuk saat ini kawasan masyarakat adat pegunungan niut belum tersentuh dari berbagai macam model perusahaan yang merusak ekologi hutan mereka. Namun, mereka tidak dapat menutup mata dengan ancaman yang akan dan sedang berlangsung di wilayah mereka kedepan yang akan menghancurkan hutan mereka yang masih perawan ini.

Ancaman-ancaman dan tantangan ke depan yang akan dihadapi oleh masyarakat adat pegunungan Niut baik dari dalam maupun dari pihak luar adalah :
1. Ekspansi perkebunan kelapa sawit. Pemerintah Indonesia merencakanan akan membangun mega proyek perkebunan kelapa sawit di perbatasan indonesia –malaysia seluas 1,8 juta hektar[4]. Di wilayah pegunungan Niut sebuah perusahaan bernama PT. Erlangga bahkan sudah menggusur lahan milik warga dan sedang berkonflik dengan masyarakat[5].

2. Proyek pembangunan bendungan (Pembangkit Listrik Tenaga Air). Pemerintah Kabupaten Landak sudah melakukan survey untuk membuat Bendungan yang berpotensi menenggelamkan kampung-kampung di wilayah penyangga pegunungan Niut. Sebenarnya potensi sumber daya air di pegunungan Niut sangat besar untuk dijadikan pembangunan minihydro yang berguna bagi masyarakat dan tidak merusak lingkungan. Sayangnya sampai sekrang belum ada pihak-pihak yang tertarik untuk mendukung proyek minihydro ini[6].
3. Ketidakjelasan Tata batas antar kampung/ desa. Saat ini batas antar kampung dan desa adalah batas alam. Belum ada batas yang jelas yang dapat dimengerti oleh semua warga karena belum dilakukan pemetaan partisipatif di wilayah ini.
4. Minimnya infrastruktur transportasi. Selain ancaman dari pengerusakkan lingkungan, masyarakat adat pegunungan niut sangat kesulitan dalam akses pasar. Seperti kebanyakan masyarakat adat yang tinggal jauh dari kota, masyarakat adat pegunungan niut sangat terisolasi. Karena jalan yang menghubungkan wilayah ini dengan dunia luas masih belum terhubung. Sehingga sangat sulit bagi MA Pegunungan Niut untuk menjual hasil pertanian seperti sayur-sayuran dan buah-buahan yang mudah busuk. Yang dapat di jual adalah hasil perkebunan yang tidak mudah busuk seperti karet, sahang, coklat, dan jerenang (buah rotan). Di pengumpul lokal, harga karet hanya Rp 6500/kg. Sedangkan bengkayang bisa mencapai 9000-10000/kg. Menurut seorang pengumpul lokal, ini disebabkan ongkos transportasi yang juga mahal. untuk menuju pegumpul besar di bengkayang, harus menggunkan ojek, motor air, dan truk. Dari ojek saja sudah dipotong rp 1000/kg, motor air 500/kg, dan truk 500/kg. Jadi bayangkan berapa untung nya bagi pengumpul lokal. Begitu juga yang terjadi dengan Damar. Yang yang terdapat di wilayah pegunungan niut terkenal dengan nama Damar mata kucing. Namun menjadi tidak bernilai ekonomis karena atau keuntungan hanya habis di ongkos transportasi.


D. LANGKAH DAN UPAYA

Sebagai organisasi yang melakukan pendampingan pada MA Pegunungan Niut, Perkumpulan PENA dengan segala keterbatasan (sumberdaya dan dana) berusaha keras untuk melakukan upaya maksimal guna pemberdayaan mayarakat adat.
Beberapa pekerjaan perkumpulan Pena di wilayah pegunungan niut yang bisa dirasakan secara nyata hasilnya saat ini adalah :

1. Dalam bidang ekonomi : mendorong masyarakat menjadi anggota CU. Sampai September 2006, 187 orang masyarakat menjadi anggota Credit Union dengan aset Rp. 850 juta (US $ 90,000) .
2. Dalam bidang ekonomi, mendorong masyarakat membuat kelompok usaha bersama petani karet. Dari 4 kelompok yang dibentuk, 1 bangkrut dan 3 lainnya sukses dengan anggota masing-masing 20 orang petani karet[7].
3. Dalam bidang penguatan institusi masyarakat adat, Perkumpulan PENA mendorong masyarakat untuk menguatkan kembali lembaga lokal yang mereka miliki melalui rangkaian musyawarah kampung yang di simpulkan dalam Musyawarah besar Masyarakat adat pegunungan Niut pada Mei 2005[8].
4. Dalam bidang Media, perkumpulan PENA mendirikan Radio komunitas MAPEN yang terletak di Desa Bentiang pada tahun 2006[9].

Berbagai aktivitas diatas hanyalah serpihan kecil dari kebutuhan esar masyarakat adat pegunungan Niut yang menjadi ilayah kerja PENA.
Khusus untuk pemanfaatkan sumber daya hutan non kayu, PENA belum bisa melakukan banyak hal karena keterbatasan infrastruktur dari wilayah dampingan untuk menjual komonidatas bernilai ekonomi kepada konsumen di luar.
Namun kami percaya, sesedikit apapun yang kami buat apabila kami melakukannya dengan tulus demi harkat dan martabat masyarakat adat Dayak, maka kami akan diberkati. Pada akhirnya masyarakat sendiri yang akan merasakan dampaknya.


****************************
[1] Data Base, Perkumpulan PENA, September 2006.
[2] Nama latin belum diketahui, tetapi sebelum ada minyak tanah, masyarakat memanfaatannya menjadi sumber penerangan selain damar.
[3] Opcit, data based PENA, September 2006.
[4] Setelah mendapat banyak protes, pemerintah mengurangi jumlah wilayah rencana sawit menajdi 180 ribu hektar.
[5] Kasus ini dalam dampingan PENA.
[6] Saat ini masyarakat mengeluarkan biaya yang sangat besar untuk membeli minyak tanah dan solar untuk kebutuhan energi listrik.
[7] Usaha bersama yang bangkrut dikarenakan rendahnya kesadaran untuk mengembalikan pinjaman. Sementara yang berhasil memiliki aset ratarata Rp. 15 juta.
[8] PENA, tidak gegabah membentuk organisasi rakyat baru/ modern di wilayah ini. Kami memilih pendekatan dengan menggunakan pemberdayaan pengurus adat yang ada.
[9] Penyiar radio komunitas rata-rata tidak tamat SMP, merupakan tantangan yang sangat berat bagi PENA untuk mendidik sumber daya manusia di bidang radio komunitas.

(D. Okbertus Srikujam)

KONFLIK ETNIS SAMBAS 1999, “ PELANGGARAN ATAU PEMBIARAN ?”

A. Latar Belakang

Kalimantan Barat adalah daerah yang kerap mengalami konflik antar etnis. Konflik-konflik ini telah terjadi sejak puluhan tahun lalu. Konflik-konflik ini dapat terbagi dua yakni konflik yang murni konflik etnis (horizontal) dan konflik yang sebenarnya konflik vertikal tapi di desain menjadi konflik horizontal.3

Salah satu Konflik yang murni konflik etnis adalah konflik antara Melayu sambas dan Madura pada tahun 1999 .Peristiwa ini dipicu oleh peristiwa pada tanggal 17 Januari 1999. Menurut versi etnis Melayu konflik yang berawal dengan tertangkapnya seorang etnis Madura yang di duga hendak mencuri di rumah seorang warga. Tersangka pencuri ini kemudian ditangkap dan dipukuli oleh warga. Sementara menurut versi etnis Madura, tidak ada orang Madura yang mau mencuri. Yang terjadi adalah 3 orang pemuda Madura yang dalam keadaan mabuk berat kemudian diturunkan oleh tukang ojek di Parit Setia. Kemudian menggedor pintu rumah warga dan berbicara kasar kepada pemilik rumah. Sewaktu orang-orang ini membuka bajunya dalam di mereka mengeluarkan clurit. Karena ketakutan warga lalu berteriak maling. Seorang diantara mereka tertangkap dan dihajar masa sementara yang lainnya berhasil meloloskan diri.

Bagaimanapun versi kejadian. Pada tanggal 19 Januari 1999, pecah konflik antara etnis Melayu Sambas dan etnis Madura. Saat itu 200 orang Madura menyerang Desa Parit Setia setelah usai sholad Ied. Akibatnya 3 orang etnis Melayu tewas. Peristiwa ini menimbulkan kemarahan luar biasa di kalangan warga Melayu. Dan akhirnya menimbulkan gelombang serangan balasan terhadap pemukiman Madura di daerah-daerah lain.

Akibatnya secara keseluruhan usai Konflik 1999, data resmi menunjukan bahwa konflik ini menyebabkan 401 jiwa meninggal dunia dan pengungsian 58.544 orang Madura dari Kab. Sambas.4 sampai saat ini Konflik ini diselesaikan pemerintah dengan cara memindahkan etnis Madura dari wilayah Kab. Sambas ke Kotamadya Pontianak dan Kota Singkawang.

Kondisi ini menyebabkan hingga saat Paper ini ditulis, etnis Madura belum bisa kembali ke daerah asalnya di Sambas. Ini disebabkan terjadinya penolakan keras dari warga etnis Melayu di Sambas bila warga Madura hendak kembali. Meski tidak resmi terdapat batas wilayah perbatasan yang boleh dilewati oleh orang Madura ke Sambas, mereka tidak pernah bisa memasukinya. Ada beberapa versy dari warga Sambas tentang wilayah terakhir yang boleh dimasuki. Bagi sebagian versy batas terakhir adalah di batas wilayah administratif pemerintahan kota Singkawang dengan Kabupaten Sambas. Namun versy lain menyebutkan batas terakhir adalah di Sungai Selakau.

Dalam beberapa kali kejadian beberapa warga Madura pernah mencoba memasuki Sambas. Namun mereka tidak pernah kembali dengan selamat. Meskipun beberapa diantaranya dikawal oleh aparat keamanan (TNI).

B. Konflik Sambas, sebuah Pelanggaran HAM?

Dalam UU Peradilan HAM pasal 9, menyebutkan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan, bersama-sama dengan kejahatan Genosida, sebagai pelanggaran Hak asasi manusia yang berat. Sedangkan pengertian dari kejahatan terhadap manusia adalah salah satu perbuatan yang dilakukan sebagai bagian dari serangan yang meluas atau sistematik yang diketahuinya bahwa serangan tersebut ditujukan secara langsung terhadap penduduk sipil, berupa:
a. Pembunuhan
b. Pemusnahan
c. Perbudakan
d. Pengusiran atau pemindahan penduduk secara paksa
e. Perampasan kemerdekaan atau perampasan kebebasan fisik lain secara sewenang-wenang yang melanggar (asas-asas) ketentuan pokok hukum internasional
f. Penyiksaan
g. Perkosaan, perbudakan seksual, pelacuran secara paksa, pemaksaan kehamilan, pemandulan atau srerilsasi secara paksa atau bentuk-bentuk kekerasan seksual lain yang setara
h. Penganiayaan terhadap suatu kelompok tertentu atau perkumpulan yang didasari persamaan paham politik, ras, kebangsaan, etnis ,budaya , agama, jenis kelamin atau alas an lain yang telah dilakukan secara universal sebagai hal yang dilarang menurut hokum internasional
i. Penghilangan orang secara paksa atau,
j. Kejahatan apartheid.5

Berkaitan dengan terjadinya peristiwa kerusuhan sambas 1999, yang menjadi pertanyaan adalah apakah peristiwa kerusuhan sambas 1999 dapat dikualifikasikan sebagai kejahatan terhadap kemanusian berdasarkan UU peradilan HAM?.

Apabila menggacu pada pasal 9 UU pengadilan HAM, peristiwa kerusuhan sambas 1999 dapat dikualifikasikan sebagai kejahatan terhadap kemanusia. Yakni adanya Pengusiran atau pemindahan penduduk secara paksa yang dijelaskan sebagai pemindahan orang-orang secara paksa dengan cara pengusiran atau tindakan pemaksaan lain dari daerah dimana mereka bertempat tinggal secara sah, tanpa didasari alasan yang diizinkan oleh hukum internasional.6

Namun siapakah yang bertanggung jawab dalam peristiwa ini? Negara sebagai pemikul tanggung jawab utama dalam pemajuan dan perlindungan hak asasi manusia, atau kah warga etnis melayu sambas sebagai lawan yang “memenangkan” konflik dan menolak keras kembalinya warga madura ke sambas?

Melihat dari awal terjadinya peristiwa kerusuhan sambas 1999, sekilas nampak memang murni konflik antar etnis. Dimana pemicu kejadian ini bermula dari tertangkapnya seorang etnis Madura yang di duga hendak mencuri di rumah seorang warga Melayu di Desa Parit Setia. Dan sekilas juga tidak nampak ada campur tangan negara melalui aparatnya dalam peristiwa ini. Namun adalah satu standar yang diterima secara universal bahwa negara memikul tanggung jawab utama dalam pemajuan dan perlindungan hak asasi manusia. Tanggung jawab yang sedemikian tidak dapat dikurangi dengan alasan-alasan politik, ekonomi mapun budaya.7

Dengan demikian, negara melalui pemerintah daerah provinsi kalimantan Barat merupakan pihak yang harus menjamin atas hak-hak korban pelanggaran HAM yakni warga Madura yang menggungsi ke pontianak dan singkawang dan ingin kembali yang juga merupakan warga negara oleh hukum internasional dan nasional yang juga memberikan pengakuan dan jaminan terhadap hak-hak korban pelanggaran HAM tersebut.

Adapun hak-hak korban pelanggaran HAM tersebut adalah:
a. Hak atas pengakuan, jaminan, perlakuan hukum yang adil serta kepastian hukum dan perlakuan yang sama didepan hukum
b. Hak atas ganti rugi, restitusi dan rehabilitasi.8

C. Kesimpulan

1. bahwa Kalbar merupakan wilayah yang kerap mengalami konflik antar etnis.
2. Bahwa Konflik-konflik ini dapat terbagi dua yakni konflik yang murni konflik etnis (horizontal) dan konflik yang sebenarnya konflik vertikal tapi di desain menjadi konflik horizontal .
3. bahwa peristiwa kerusuhan Sambas 1999 merupakan suatu pelanggaran HAM yakni terjadinya pengusiran secara paksa.
4. bahwa negara merupakan pihak yang bertanggung jawab terhadap peristiwa ini karena negara membiarkan terjadinya peristiwa pegusiran ini padahal negara merupakan pemikul tanggung jawab utama dalam pemajuan dan perlindungan hak asasi manusia.

D. Rekomendasi

1. Perlu adanya studi lebih lanjut mengenai peran negara melalui aparat dalam kerusuhan Sambas 1999.
2. Pemerintah harus mememenuhi hak-hak korban kerusuhan Sambas 1999 yakni Hak atas ganti rugi, restitusi dan rehabilitasi.

*************
3 Pada tahun 1967, militer Indonesia memobilisasi etnis Dayak untuk menyerang etnis Tionghoa dan mengusir mereka dariwilayah pedalaman dengan alasan etnis Tionghoa mendukung PGRS/Paraku (Pasukan Gerilya Rakyat Serawak/Pasukan Raakyat Kalimantan Utara). Tidak ada jumlah korban jiwa yang pasti, namun data resmi Kodam Tanjungpura menyebutkan jumlah pengungsi Tionghoa sebanyak 59.850 jiwa. (Erma S.Ranik : Laporan Study : “Menelusuri Hubungan PGRS/PARAKU dan Pengusiran Cina Oleh Dayak pada Tahun 1967 di Kalimantan Barat”, tahun 2003.


4 Bambang Hendarta Suta Purwana, Konflik Antar Komunitas etnis Sambas 1999, Suatu Tinjauan Social Budaya, 2003.

5 Hotma Timbul Hutapea, Hak-hak korban dan penyelesaian hukum kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dalam peristiwa kerusuhan Mei 1998, menatap wajah korban, 2005 hal 137
6 ibid hal 139
7 KOMNAS HAM , HAK ASASI MANUSIA, tanggung jawab Negara peran institusi nasional dan masyarakat, 1999.
8 Hotma Timbul Hutapea, Hak-hak korban dan penyelesaian hukum kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dalam peristiwa kerusuhan Mei 1998, menatap wajah korban, 2005 hal 125

(D. Okbertus Srikujam.)

13 Juni 2008

Contract marriages a ticket out of a small town

Contract marriages a ticket out of a small town

The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Sat, 01/26/2008 2:12 AM | Life

SINGKAWANG, West Kalimantan (JP): With too much makeup for her tender years, Su Khim is about to embark on a momentous journey.

As a car pulled up in front of a three-star hotel in the center of Singkawang, she was one of the four people who alighted.

The others were two middle-aged men and a doltish looking young man.

They sat in the lobby, and the two older men began making a series of calls on their cellular phones. One of them came over to the young woman and told her: ""If the phone rings, you must answer yes.""

The man continued by telling her how she should answer the call in the Chinese dialect of Taiwan. Su Khim appeared timid, which irritated the man. ""How will you be able to go to Taiwan to see your mother-in-law if you can't even do such a simple thing?"" he barked.

Su Khim is only one of thousands of ethnic Chinese young women from Singkawang who choose to marry men from Taiwan in contract marriages.

Economic woes are the greatest push for the amoy, as Singkawang's ethnic Chinese women were once known, to seek a foreign bridegroom. Unlike many other Chinese-Indonesian communities, Singkawang is relatively poor. Most of the people are vegetable farmers or fishermen.

Unmarried men from Taiwan have realized it is easy to find a wife in the small town, which has led to brokers setting up business to help them in their search.

Language is no handicap. Though Singkawang residents speak Hakka as theirvernacular dialect, they quickly become fluent in the dialect of Taiwan.

From hunger

Su Khim, who is from Karimunting village, Sungai Raya subdistrict, said she only finished the sixth grade of elementary school two years ago, whichwould make her about 15 years old.

She helped her parents in farming but they lived in poor conditions. One day a distant male relative came to her family and asked Su Khim if she would be interested in going to Taiwan.

It was not for a job offer, but to become the wife of a young man.

Su Khim did not find the offer strange because several girls from her neighboring village had married men from Taiwan. She did not think long andhard about the matter, but decided it was a way to help her family.

She was told to have her photograph taken to be sent to Taiwan. She did not have to wait long because a month later there was a reply from her prospective husband.

He was the younger man in the lobby. Although the man suffers from polio and is not particularly attractive, Su Khim said she was still willing to go through with the plan ""because he's still young"".

She will try out the marriage arrangement by staying in Taiwan for a year.

Kenny Kumala of Singkawang's Ethnic Chinese Communication Forum (Foket) said the large number of Singkawang Chinese girls marrying men from Taiwan began to emerge in the 1970s.

He said it was better today because the man was required to meet his prospective wife before the marriage day. ""In the past they didn't know whotheir husbands before they went to Taiwan,"" she said.

Kenny did not deny the arrangement held risks for the women. ""I've received information from a non-governmental organization in Taiwan that there are 10,000 girls from Singkawang whose status is unclear.""

He also did not dispute that many girls also married good spouses.

""It is they who send money to their families in Singkawang each month,"" Kenny added.

Tjang Fo Hon, the head of a monastery in Singkawang, said men from Taiwanchose women from Singkawang as their wives because they were considered patient and not materialistic.

He said most of the men found it difficult to find partners in their own country, sometimes because of their looks but mostly because they were ""notestablished"".

Marriage to Singkawang women is a bargain for them. They only pay for their flights to Singkawang and a small dowry to their new in-laws. It's relatively inexpensive due to the strength of the Taiwan dollar to the rupiah.

The marriages are most often carried out at the public records' office. However, the men cannot bring their new wives to Taiwan until the women have changed their citizenship, which involves submitting applications to the Taiwanese Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Jakarta.

""The process can take three months,"" Tjang Fo Hon added. If the applications are approved, the wives can follow their husbands.

In addition to send money back to their parents every month, the women usually return home for Chinese New Year.

Aloysius Kilim, regional legislature for Bengkawang regency, said there was no administrative way to prevent the marriages, despite protests that some of the women are underage.

""Anyhow their families become prosperous because their children have married in Taiwan,"" he said.

For some women and their families, it's the only way for them to create abetter life. (Erma S. Ranik)

Sentarum, exotic wet swampy lake in West Kalimantan

Sentarum, exotic wet swampy lake in West Kalimantan

The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Sat, 01/26/2008 2:55 AM | Life

By Erma S. Ranik

PONTIANAK, West Kalimantan (JP): Tired with the usual holiday atmosphere? If you like ecotourism, why not visit the gorgeous Sentarum Lake National Park?

Located in Kapuas Hulu district, some 700 km from Pontianak, this 132,000 hectares park has a lot to offer.

Sentarum is unique in that some 35,000 hectares of the lake is 7 meters to 15 meters in depth with the remainder a swampy forest with tree heights measuring 20 meters to 25 meters.

The tropical rain forest is much thicker than any other forests elsewhere in the province. Sentarum is the only primary fresh water swampy forest area in Kalimantan with such tall trees.

The trees adapt to the high level water levels that flood the area annually. Although the annual flood from December to March rises as much as 7 meters, the trees manage to survive.

When the dry season comes, usually in July or August, the water level of River Kapuas goes down. The swamp and part of the lake dries up.

""The land will seem just like a meadow,"" said Hariyanto, a local resident.

This meadow, he added, is prone to fire. ""There was a big fire in Sentarum back in the 1997 dry season,"" he said.

Sentarum Lake plays an important role in maintaining the ecosystem of West Kalimantan. It can absorb some 20 percent of the overflowing water from River Kapuas, averting inundation in the river basin areas. During the wet season, Sentarum Lake can collect rainwater and supply 50 percent of it to River Kapuas during the dry season. If a change of ecosystem takes place in Sentarum, the entire West Kalimantan environment will be endangered.

Research conducted by Kleper shows that peat surrounds the lake and the land is lacking in minerals and the water in the lake becomes tea-brown owing to the presence of tannin in great amounts.

Sentarum Lake area is rich in fauna. The latest research shows that there are 200 species of fish, such as belida (chitala lopis), toman (channa micropeltes), betutuk (oxyeleotris marmorata) and jelawat (leptobarbus hevenii).

There are also fancy fish like ulanguli (botia macranthus) and the expensive rare species, arwana (scleropages formosus). Unfortunately, Arwana is difficult to find in Sentarum Lake now.

The lake area is also home to proboscis monkeys (sasalis larvatus), orangutans (pongo pygmaeus), sinyulong crocodiles (tomistoma schlegelii), estuary crocodiles (crocodylus prosus) and swampy forest egrets (ciconia stromi), among others.

The area is rich in tembesu wood (fragrea fragrans) and kawi (shorea balngeran) as well as 207 other varieties of plants.

The uniqueness of this lake area prompted the government to decide in 1982 that Sentarum Lake area was an animal reserve area. It was declared as a national park in 1999.

Untapped potential

Sentarum Lake National Park has vast tourism potential. Unfortunately, this potential has yet to be tapped. As the area has been earmarked as a national park, the provincial administration is unwilling to develop it, considering the area to be under the central government's authority.

""There seems to be a tug-of-war between the interests of the central government and those of the regional administration,"" said Sumiati, head of the sub-section for technical guidance of West Kalimantan's Kapuas Soil Conservation and Land Rehabilitation. .

In fact, Sentarum has a lot to offer: the beauty of its flora and fauna and its unique culture.

You can see enggang gading, a rare bird now the mascot of West Kalimantan, flying and perching in the trees. Then there are white egrets looking for fish. You can hear the shouting of orangutans and proboscis monkeys hanging from tree branches.

Visitors can enjoy delicious fresh water fish. You can buy them from the locals or you can catch them yourself.

Do you like swimming? You can spend as much time as you want swimming in the lake. Although the water is brown in color, it is clean. But be careful because in some parts of the lake there are still swamp crocodiles.

Then you can go to the cave at Semujan Hill where you can see seagull nests. Black seagull nests are found in this limestone hill. A kilogram of the nests may bring a price of Rp 2.5 million to Rp 4 million and the nests can be harvested every 2 months.

As seagull nests are valuable, the owners of the nests usually guard the cave during harvest time. If you like rock climbing, you may take part in the harvest.

It is also interesting to observe the culture of the locals, who are from sub-tribes of Dayak Iban, Dayak Embaloh, Dayak Kantuk and Malay.

The Malays live in the river basin areas. They are Muslim and their houses float on the river. To connect one house with another there is a wooden bridge. For many generations, the Malays have survived on the fish of Sentarum Lake. They usually net the fish or breed them in keramba.

""We never till the land,"" said Hariyanto, a resident of Nanga Leboyan, Selimbau sub-district. He said that they bought rice and vegetables from the Dayak people.

There is a saying: ""There are no vegetables if there are no Iban people,"" he added with a smile.

The Malays also traditionally collect honey from wild bees (apis dorsata) found in trees around the lake. If you come to this area in October or early November or between mid-January and end of February, you can enjoy the honey along with the locals.

The Dayak people are usually Christian and live in hilly areas in their traditional communal long houses. These houses may be dozens of years to hundreds of years old. Within the lake area there are at least eight long houses.

In their long houses, the Dayak people lead their social and cultural lives. If you are lucky and come during the Gawai (festivity) season, they will be pleased to ask you to dance to the Sapek music, the traditional music of the Ibans. You can then enjoy tuak, a liquor unique to the Dayak people.

If your time is plenty, you can spend a few days in a long house and observe how the traditional cloth of the Dayak Iban is made. The cloth is woven by the women and is colored with plant material. Then traditional patterns are drawn on the cloth.

Remember that you may not be able to see one of these traditional cloths of the Dayak Iban because each one takes about a year to make. That's why it is expensive and may cost hundreds of thousands of rupiah. ""But the quality is very good,"" said Valentinus Hery, a Dayak Iban.

Interestingly, in an outer region of the lake there is a small island called Melayu Island. The locals believe that if you want to find out whether your wishes can come true, you must climb the hill and pray before the grave of a haj at the top of the hill. ""Usually any wishes, including finding your life match, can be granted,"" said Iwan, a young Malay man.

Once you finish sailing round the lake, you can learn to steer a boat with an outboard engine. Locals are usually willing to show you how to do this. Who knows, after some time you may be able to steer the boat adeptly. Be careful, though, because during the wet season, the weather on the lake area capricious. Strong winds followed by a downpour may occur at any time. If caught in such a storm, it would be prudent to take your boat to the bank and take refuge among the trees around the lake.

Then you can feast your eyes on the panorama of Sentarum. You can climb Bukit Terkenang. This is the highest hill in the area. From the tower at the top you can see the lake area in its entirety. There used to be a research center project on this hill -- a joint undertaking between the Indonesian and British governments. Unfortunately, the project, which was not completed, is in great neglect. There are lodging places for visitors but the facilities are not proper.

At night it is an almost spiritual experience to sit quietly in the middle of the lake and enjoy its beauty. The magnificence of the star-studded night sky and the serenity engendered by the night sounds of nature will make you feel compelled to return to this place, again and again.

The natural beauty of Lake Sentarum is known to few people because it has never been promoted as a tourist destination. Visitors are usually people who have visited before with a longing to return and enjoy its unusual beauty. If you are a nature lover who does not require coddling, then this could be the adventure you have been looking for.

How to get there

The trip to the lake is not difficult, but it is arduous. You can take a bus from Pontianak to Semitau sub-district in 15 hours. From there proceed to Lanjak via speedboat for another two hours.

Alternatively, you can fly from Supadio airport in Pontianak to Sintang district, which takes about an hour. Then you can either take a bus to Semitau for three hours or take a speedboat to Selimbau sub-district in five hours.

If you take a speedboat, the cost will be higher but the advantage is that you can directly reach the lake. If you take a bus, you will spend less money but you will still have to take a speedboat to reach Lanjak.

Arriving at Sentarum Lake, you can hire a boat with an outboard engine to cruise around the lake, savoring its beauty. Tekenang natural resources conservation unit can provide lodging.

To explore the entire area by boat would take at least a week, but you would certainly not regret the time. The vistas, flora and fauna will intrigue you and provide you with memories that will undoubtedly make you return one day.

Photos by West Kalimantan children bring reconciliation

Photos by West Kalimantan children bring reconciliation

The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Sat, 01/26/2008 2:45 AM | Life

By Erma S. Ranik

PONTIANAK, West Kalimantan (JP): Sixteen-year-old Agus' eyes gleamed whenhe saw the photograph before him. ""That is the rice field near my house,"" he said. His eyes were glued to the photographs taken by Desy Anggraini, 16, who hails from Sinam village in Pemangkat subdistrict, Sambas regency.

Agus is one of thousands of children who fled their homes with their parents following the riot that rocked Sambas in March 1999. He has lived in a haj dormitory in Pontianak for over a year now. It is not possible forhim to return to Sinam because the residents of the Malay ethnic group, whooccupy most of Sambas, still object to the return of the Madurese residents.

Agus was able to gratify his longing for his home village when he saw thephotographs on display at an exhibition of children photography at the State Museum in Pontianak from Nov. 20 to Nov. 22. Agus was able to name the spots and places captured in the photographs on display.

Agus' comment was just one of many reactions to the photographs during a workshop on photography held for the children of West Kalimantan. This exhibition was the fruit of a collaboration between Child's Eye, a network of non-governmental organizations in West Kalimantan and the Forum of Volunteers from West Kalimantan, with support from the British Council.

Sixty children of Malay, Dayak, Madurese and Chinese ethnic/racial backgrounds took part in the exhibition. Most of them were from socially marginalized classes in Pontianak, Nyarumkop and Pemangkat: the children ofbus conductor assistants, fishermen and basketmakers, school dropouts and children from refugee camps.

Jonathan Perugia of Child's Eye said the most important part of the program was helping the children of West Kalimantan explain what took placein their daily lives through photography.

""Many people may know nothing about what the daily life of a child is like,"" he said.

And sadly, many children lead desperate lives. They receive no education,are subject and witness to horrible violence or are compelled to work to survive.

With just a pocket camera the children were given ample opportunity to make use of photography as an instrument with which they could talk about their daily lives.

""You feel something different when you look at photographs taken by children and those taken by professional photographers,"" said Perugia, an Associated Press free-lance photographer.

Professional photographers may come up with artistically fine photographs, but they may not have a strong feeling for what they capture with their cameras. ""They are obviously different from the children in their own environment.""

This explains why the children taking part in the program were able to capture their daily activities in their entirety.

Jemi, 15, a Malay, fishes for a living. So he has chosen as his subject the lives of fishermen's children in Pemangkat, capturing their activities from collecting fish to bathing in the river.

In this exhibition, the children were allowed complete freedom to select which of their photos they thought were worth displaying.

The children of Nyarumkop have also captured the activities they know best. They photographed life in a Dayak village. And Wijayanto, 15, captured with her photos the pulse of life among the ethnic Chinese in Singkawang.

Meanwhile, children from a refugee camp tell in their photos what their lives in the camp are like: a limited supply of clean water, small huts andscabies, which many children in the camp suffer from.

With the special spirit of children, they also recorded in their photos the riot that broke out in Pontianak between Oct. 25 and Oct. 27, 2000. Bekri, 14, for example, came up with a photograph showing the desire for a peaceful Pontianak that children have.

A child is squatting, holding a small banner that reads: ""We love peace/ethnic groups/racial groups/religion."" The caption below the photograph reads as follows: ""This banner is held by a child refugee who loves peace. His name is Adam, aged 10, and he earns a living as a scavenger.""

Look at the photographs by Anissa, 15, a Malay girl from Pontianak. She took a picture of a Madurese and a Malay joining hands under a banner aboutthe love for peace. The photo was taken in Kampung Dalam, where the riot inPontianak began.

Anissa said the photo was very important because it depicted the unity between the Madurese and the Malay. Her caption for this photo is: ""Happy and Peaceful.""

""I took this picture in the middle of a riot. The leaders of the Madureseand the Malay suggested that everybody make a banner with the inscription ""Love peace"" to ensure the riot would not spread,"" she said.

Meanwhile, Raidatul Ulum, a coordinator of the event, said the exhibitionalso was held in observance of International Child's Rights Convention Day,which is observed every Nov. 20.

It also is aimed at making more people aware of the plight of children inWest Kalimantan. ""Children are always the victims in the conflicts that break out in West Kalimantan.""

Therefore, this exhibition was held not only in Pontianak, but also in Singkawang from Nov. 24 to Nov. 26. ""The aim is to make more people in WestKalimantan aware of the plight of the children of West Kalimantan,"" he stressed.

To Muhamad, 25, a visitor to the exhibition, this event could be construed as a reconciliation of sorts in West Kalimantan. ""The photographsput on display are those taken by children of different ethnic groups in West Kalimantan.""

He said that this was a good step forward given that conflicts often occur in the province. ""Hopefully through this exhibition the children willbe able to remind adults of the significance of being different,"" he stressed.

Differences, Muhamad said, are no reason for clashes and conflict.

The writer is a journalist for KALIMANTAN Review and a member of the Alliance of Independent Journalists, West Kalimantan bureau

Munying, a Dayak traditional healer

Munying, a Dayak traditional healer

The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Fri, 09/27/2002 12:00 AM | Life

Munying is not much different from everybody else in his village. Living in a four meter-by-five meter wooden house in Tanjung village, Jalai Hulu district, he makes a living as a farmer.

But he is also known as a healer, or baliatn. Since childhood he has never been much interested in religion. ""I can't comprehend religion,"" he says.

""Once I had an illness that was hard to cure and I almost went mad,"" he recalls.

He suffered for a long time, but Hangiq, a baliatn from Air Dua, healed him. Since then, he has studied the arts of the healer so he too can help others.

As a baliatn, Munying leads a different life than people of other Dayak subtribes. He must, for example, be able to fast for seven days. There is also a period in which he can eat only certain foods. And he must be able to stir-fry seven grains until each forms something like a cracker.

A baliatn can eat only three grains, and must dump the rest on the ground. In a barayah rite (Dayak Jalai-Ketapang), refraining from eating certain foods and fasting are compulsory. Without this process, one cannot be a legitimate baliatn.

Payment for the services of a baliatn are large earthen jugs, plates, bowls and so forth, suitable to the disease cured. If someone is cured of an illness, then he must give the baliatn six plates, a machete and a chicken, plus some rice. Sometimes, the healer will not take this gift. So, a healer is in essence a volunteer worker, and cannot be blamed if his healing powers fail him.

Munying says he does not regret becoming a healer, because it was his destiny. To be a healer, a person must suffer. Understandably, only a few people are able to qualify.

Healers from Dayak Ketungau Sesat also have their own superstitions. They must not walk through a cemetery. They may not divulge their supernatural partner. And after healing someone, they can't go home alone.

Then the healers -- also called manang -- must not eat certain foods. They also are not allowed to refuse a request to heal someone.

""Even if there are hurricanes or rainstorms, I must go to a patient's house even though I have to walk,"" Munying said.

To be a healer is to assume a heavy social responsibility indeed. There is little economic gain. Almost all Dayak tribes allow a healer to receive their fees only in the form of goods. A healer cannot set his fees. The sick person gives something to his healer voluntarily. If he can afford to give a healer only some plates, the healer must accept this gift.

It is a social profession, as such a Dayak healer lives a modest life. As being a healer entails heavy consequences, not many Dayak youngsters are interested in this profession.

--Erma S. Ranik

Madurese leave shacks, start life anew

Madurese leave shacks, start life anew

The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Mon, 08/12/2002 12:51 PM | Life

Erma S.Ranik, Contributor, Pontianak, West Kalimantan

Clothes are piled up in Noriah's shack in a refugee camp at Pontianak Haj Dormitory. She is getting ready to leave the place.

For three years, Noriah, 58, her husband and their six children have lived in the four meter by six meter shack. They fled to safety when in March 1999 ethnic rioting broke out in their home village in Sabaran Sungai, Sambas regency.

Now, along with dozens of other displaced Madurese families, her family are being moved to their new home in Kota Baru, Pontianak municipality.

""I'm happy we can leave the camp now,"" she said, her face beaming with happiness when packing up and getting ready to leave.

The refugees are vacating the camp on the instructions of the local administration, not of their own will. The regional administration decided that they could no longer stay in the haj dormitory because the June deadline for them to leave voluntarily had passed.

The data compiled by the Foundation for Victims of Sambas Rioting (YKKSS) shows that 68,394 people or 12,499 families from Sambas have become refugees.

They are staying in three places: Bengkayang regency, Pontianak regency and Pontianak municipality. Pontianak municipality received the biggest number of refugees (39,735), followed by Pontianak regency (18,878 people) and Bengkayang district (10,370).

They were displaced in the wake of the 1999 ethnic clashes between the ethnic Madurese migrants and indigenous Malay people. Thousands of people were killed in the fighting.

Yakob Mohsin, a local government official who leads a team tasked with the Madurese relocation, said the displaced people were moved after long, careful preparations.

Reconciliation among the conflicting parties, he said, is still a daunting effort because the Malays in Sambas still fiercely reject the presence of Madurese in their area. That's why the Madurese are being relocated elsewhere.

West Kalimantan governor Aspar Aswin said the provincial administration had built houses for the refugees in Tebang Kacang, 240 houses, Parit Haji Ali 118, Parit Bahagia 556, Sidomulyo, 100, Pulau Nyamuk 117, Tanjung Saleh 19, and Sungai Asam 1,700. Most of the houses have been occupied.

""We offer them cash as part of their economic empowerment so that they will abandon the camps. Each family asked for Rp 20 million but we could only give them Rp 5 million,"" Yakob said.

After several rounds of negotiations, most refugees agreed to accept the funds although some families have stuck to their demand for Rp 12.5 million, and refuse to move.

Ibu Mulyana, a refugee from Marga Mulya village, Samalantan district, Bengkayang regency, said she decided to accept the money because there was no other choice.

""We found ourselves in a dilemma. If we don't accept the money, we will have nothing but if we do, the money is not enough to start a new life,"" she said.

She hoped that the local government would continue to pay attention to the refugees, especially to their welfare. She said that in the last seven months, the refugees were not given their rations. Previously a refugee would get a ration of 400 grams of rice a day plus Rp 1,500 for other food.

The provincial government is preparing more relocation sites to accommodate the tens of thousands of refugees still waiting in other camps across the province.

""As of late February this year, 4,438 families had been relocated,"" he added.

Eager to see the refugees leave, the local administration has simplified the bureaucratic procedures. Basically they can leave a few days after they register themselves with the neighborhood chief.

The vacation of the camps has proceeded peacefully. The police had deployed 3,000 personnel to oversee the transfer, according to spokesman for the West Kalimantan Police command, Comr. Suhadi SW.

In fact the refugees even demolished their own shacks.

But the relocation would not mean the end of the Madurese's misery.

Ibu Mulyana was right in saying that the money was insufficient to start life anew. Furthermore, the relocation may spark new conflict with the indigenous people in the new area.

A Madurese settler, Mathori, said, ""Locals refuse to sell us their (farm) land on various grounds. Some of them said they did not want to have so many people coming to their regions.""

The strongest rejection occurred in Pal Enam. In mid June, locals set fire to a number of shacks newly built by the relocated refugees. The situation was brought under control after security officers arrived at the scene.

These refugees are beginning to start their lives anew. Some still cherish the dream of going back to their home in Sambas.

""I'm from Sambas. I will return some day to the land where I belong,"" said Komariah, who was born and grew up in Sambas. -- The writer is an editor of Kalimantan Review.

Saving traditional Dayak tattoos

Saving traditional Dayak tattoos

The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Wed, 02/19/2003 8:01 AM | Life

Erma Ranik, Contributor, Pontianak, West Kalimantan

If you happen to visit Kalimantan, you may see many people with tattoos all over their bodies. In major towns, there are salons specializing in tattooing.

The salons lure would-be customers with tattoos of varying styles, crafted with more ""modern"" equipment and techniques. Few offer traditional methods and motifs.

Although tattooing is often associated with thuggery, the art remains popular even now. For the Dayak ethnic group, which consists of various minor ethnic groups, tattoos are part of their tradition, and to make it last, people innovate.

Among some minor ethnic groups, especially the Iban, tattoos used to be compulsory for both men and women, using traditional motifs and styles.

Over the course of time, however, people have increasingly come to shun the traditional styles and instead, they have ""modern"" motifs painted on their bodies. Now, only a few Iban retain the knowledge of traditional tattoo designs and techniques practiced by their ancestors.

Among the few Iban tattoo artists still loyal to traditional motifs is Patek, who lives in a longhouse in Nanga Sadap of Embaloh Hilir subdistrict.

Patek, who inherited the skill from his father, Sigi, has vowed to remain a specialist in Iban Dayak traditional tattooing.

""As a little boy, I would make tattoos on my brothers and sisters. As a novice in the art, I would do it just for fun -- piercing their skin with a needle,"" he recalled.

Patek said it took a lot of time and pain to learn the art of tattooing. Years of observing his father work was not enough to develop his own flair.

""I became skillful after I lived in Malaysia, where I practiced the art. First, I tried on only a few people, and the tattoos turned out successfully,"" Patek said.

To be an Iban tattoo artist is not easy, as the local custom demands a lot of requirements, including being certified through a traditional ceremony.

In the Iban community, both men and women may equally become a tattoo artist.

""In the past, there was an elderly tattoo mistress, but none of her children inherited her talent,"" Patek said.

As an artist, Patek -- whose name means ""thunder"" in the Iban dialect -- is well-versed in the various traditional motifs and their meanings. For example, an Iban will have a certain motif tattooed on his body after he returns from living outside the Iban community.

""If an artist drew the wrong motif, it would be a humiliation for both the tattoo-owner and the artist,"" he said.

The Iban boast many tattoo motifs that are to be painted on people with specific backgrounds or professional skills. There are, for example, motifs for women who have an exceptional skill in weaving.

One of the most difficult motif to make is called Uker degok, which is drawn on the neck. In the past, this motif was awarded to someone who had successfully ngayau, or beheaded an enemy for a ritual.

However, as ngayau has been officially banned, the motif has now become a part of Dayak history. Patek recalls that the last time Uker degok was made was in 1967, when many Iban were involved in the campaign to quell a separatist uprising led by Serawak Guerrillas and the North Kalimantan People's Army.

Patek, a father of three, is also knowledgeable about the tattoo style of another Dayak minor ethnic group, the Kayaan.

""The Kayaan style is the most complicated of all traditional styles I know. There are a great many intricate details that only the seasoned artist can accomplish,"" he said.

The Iban traditional motif is drawn in a single color, black. Patek uses lampblack as the main component, and will draw the motif directly, without an initial sketch.

""Once I get an idea about the motif, I will fill the needle with the soot, and there it goes -- my hand works on its own.""

To make a simple traditional motif, Patek needs about two hours.

""If you wish to have it (a traditional motif), I can do it right now,"" said Patek eagerly.

Working as a traditional tattoo artist is not a financially rewarding profession. Patek earns Rp 50,000 (almost US$5) for each service, and orders are hard to come by. He said that he has about three customers every month.

To make the ends meet, he also runs a business as a trader with his wife. In his spare time, he makes wood carvings for sale.

""It's not bad; it's enough to survive,"" Patek said with a smile.